Para buruh migran kerap dijuluki sebagai “pahlawan devisa”. Tapi, di sisi lain, kepergian mereka meninggalkan sejumlah ironi. Ketika bekerja di luar negeri untuk mengurus orang lain, anak-anak mereka di kampung diurus orang lain pula. Anak-anak itu pun menghadapi aneka masalah: dari kekurangan kasih sayang dan perhatian orang tua hingga gizi buruk dan putus sekolah.
Namun, di antara aneka cerita miris itu, terselip kisah-kisah yang menggugah dan inspiratif. Anak-anak buruh migran yang mendapat dukungan dan perhatian dari lingkungannya tumbuh menjadi anak berprestasi dan membanggakan.
Migrant workers are often hailed as the nation’s “foreign exchange heroes,” yet their departure presents a conundrum. While our migrant workers are overseas, at times caring for other people’s children, their own children are often being cared for by others. These left-behind children face countless threats, including a lack of care and attention from their parents, poor nutrition, and school drop-out.
But amid the worrying phenomenon, there are inspirational and moving stories from children of migrant workers, who received support and attention from their communities, and have grown up to be successful, inspiring pride.
Lima belas tahun lamanya Aning meninggalkan anaknya, Bagus, untuk bekerja di Brunei Darussalam. Di sana, ia menjadi asisten rumah tangga. Sejak kepergiannya pada 2003, Aning hanya bisa pulang ke kampungnya di Cilacap, Jawa Tengah, dua tahun sekali. Walau jarang mudik, Aning mengaku cukup beruntung. Sebab, ia tetap lancar berkomunikasi dengan Bagus yang dirawat kakek dan neneknya. “Alhamdulillah bos saya di Brunei sangat pengertian,” kata Aning kepada Tempo, Rabu lalu.
Aning melempar kembali ingatannya selama bekerja di negeri jiran itu. “Awal-awal memang berat sekali rasanya berpisah dengan anak yang baru berusia 16 bulan.” Namun Aning selalu menguatkan dirinya sendiri bahwa pilihannya itu memang demi masa depan sang anak dan keluarganya. Untuk tetap memantau perkembangan anaknya, Aning berkomunikasi dengan keluarganya lewat surat. “Sampainya lama sekali, bisa sebulan.” Majikan Aning, yang mengetahui kondisi itu, lalu memberikan sebuah kartu telepon yang bisa digunakan untuk sambungan telepon ke Indonesia. “Komunikasi pun jadi lebih rutin. Sampai akhirnya suatu kali saya dikasih ponsel oleh majikan.”
Sejak dua tahun lalu, ia “pensiun” menjadi buruh migran dan tinggal di kawasan Kramat Jati, Jakarta Timur, bersama keluarganya. Kemudian Bagus, yang baru lulus sekolah menengah kejuruan di Cilacap, menyusul ke Jakarta. “Dia pingin kerja di sini,” kata perempuan berusia 45 tahun itu. Aning bangga kepada putranya itu karena harapan dia—agar Bagus bisa bersekolah sampai minimal tamat SMA—sudah tercapai. “Saya kan kerja jauh-jauh juga buat dia, supaya bisa menamatkan sekolah.” Aning sempat menawari Bagus untuk melanjutkan studi ke tingkat universitas. Namun, karena putranya ingin bekerja terlebih dulu, Aning pun tak mau memaksa.
Aning mengakui nasibnya memang lebih beruntung dibanding rekannya yang lain. Banyak buruh migran yang tak bisa rutin pulang ke Tanah Air, bahkan sulit berkomunikasi dengan keluarga akibat perlakuan tak manusiawi dari majikan. Padahal komunikasi antara orang tua yang bekerja di luar negeri dan anak-anak yang ditinggalkan di Tanah Air merupakan salah satu faktor penting dalam tumbuh kembang anak. Hal itu tergambar dalam penelitian “Stay-Behind Children di Myanmar, Filipina, dan Indonesia” yang dirilis Human Rights Working Group (HRWG), pertengahan 2020 lalu.
Dalam laporan itu, para peneliti mengungkapkan bahwa kepergian orang tua ke luar negeri menjadi buruh migran mempengaruhi pendidikan anak-anak yang ditinggalkan. Memang, ada sebagian anak-anak yang merasa kepergian orang tua mereka dalam waktu lama tak berdampak. Bahkan banyak dari mereka yang berprestasi di sekolahnya. Hal itu, seperti ditulis dalam laporan HRWG, terjadi karena para orang tua tetap dapat “hadir” memantau perkembangan anak-anak melalui berbagai cara: telepon, aplikasi percakapan, ataupun video call. Hal ini didukung oleh kerabat mereka di kampung halaman yang memastikan uang kiriman para orang tua itu digunakan untuk keperluan sekolah anak-anaknya.
Meski begitu, tak sedikit pula anak-anak yang menjadi “korban” dari kepergian orang tuanya. Rata-rata masalah yang dihadapi anak-anak ini adalah kesulitan berkonsentrasi dan belajar di sekolah. Beberapa anak dilaporkan tak bisa fokus belajar karena selalu memikirkan orang tua mereka. Kurangnya “kehadiran” orang tua akibat komunikasi yang tidak berjalan juga membuat mereka merasa tak punya motivasi. Sebab, tidak ada sosok yang mengingatkan mereka untuk bersekolah dan tekun belajar. Bahkan ada kelompok anak-anak yang terpaksa putus sekolah karena kerepotan harus melakukan berbagai pekerjaan harian seorang diri.
Besarnya pengaruh dukungan lingkungan sekitar terhadap keberhasilan pendidikan anak-anak para buruh migran juga terlihat pada kisah Silvi Dwi Anasari. Perempuan asal Jember, Jawa Timur, yang kini berusia 25 tahun itu merupakan salah satu mahasiswa berprestasi Fakultas Matematika dan Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam Universitas Indonesia. Sewaktu kuliah, Silvi, yang masuk UI angkatan 2013 ini, mendapat sejumlah beasiswa, seperti Bidik Misi dan beasiswa alumnus Biologi UI.
Silvi ditinggalkan ibunya yang bekerja di Hong Kong saat dia baru berusia 4 tahun. Di kampung halamannya di Jember, dia tinggal bersama kakek dan neneknya. Ibunda Silvi terhitung jarang pulang ke Tanah Air. “Paling empat tahun sekali,” kata Silvi, kepada Tempo, Kamis lalu. Tapi ibunya rutin menelepon dan memantau perkembangan pendidikan Silvi. “Ibu selalu mendorong saya untuk sekolah hingga kuliah.”
Silvi juga termotivasi karena di keluarganya belum ada yang bersekolah sampai pendidikan tinggi. Bahkan anak perempuan di kampungnya banyak yang menikah muda. “Dulu, waktu masih sekolah, saya takut sekali kalau harus menikah muda. Makanya saya juga termotivasi untuk kuliah,” ujarnya.
Kampung Silvi adalah salah satu daerah kantong buruh migran. Menurut dia, sejak ia kecil sampai sekarang, kondisi di daerahnya tak banyak berubah. “Banyak anak-anak para buruh migran yang putus sekolah dan memilih menikah muda.” Hal itu, dia menambahkan, disebabkan oleh kenyamanan materi dari orang tua mereka yang berpenghasilan besar hasil bekerja di luar negeri. Silvi pun mengakui bahwa sebetulnya kehidupan keluarganya mencukupi secara ekonomi.
Kini Silvi bekerja sebagai peneliti di Yayasan International Animal Rescue Indonesia (YARI). Di lembaga itu, Silvi banyak terlibat proyek konservasi hewan-hewan langka. Dia kerap berkeliling ke berbagai daerah di Indonesia untuk memberikan penyuluhan kepada masyarakat terkait dengan perlindungan hewan. “Kesukaan saya terhadap binatang sudah muncul sejak kecil karena sering main di hutan di kampung dulu,” tutur dia.
Prestasi akademis mengesankan yang ditorehkan anak seorang buruh migran juga dicatat Yoga Prasetyo. Alumnus jurusan Sastra Inggris Universitas Indonesia angkatan 2013 ini berkali-kali mendapat beasiswa dan mengikuti pertukaran pelajar ke sejumlah negara selama kuliah. Yoga pun punya perhatian khusus terhadap isu buruh migran. “Kesadaran akan isu buruh migran itu saya dapat saat kuliah semester IV.”
Pada masa itu, kata Yoga, ia belajar soal poskolonialisme, isu kesetaraan gender, dan isu-isu ketidakadilan. Ia menggunakan aneka sudut pandang itu untuk melihat pengalaman dari orang terdekatnya: ibunya yang bekerja sebagai buruh migran di Singapura sejak 1997. “Dari sana saya semakin tertarik dengan isu-isu ini,” ujarnya.
Pada 2016, Yoga mendapat kesempatan untuk mengikuti pertukaran pelajar ke National University of Singapore. Di sana ia membentuk komunitas Voice of Singapore’s Invisible Hands untuk mengangkat kisah para buruh migran dalam bahasa Inggris. Di komunitas itu, Yoga memberikan pelatihan menulis dan pelajaran bahasa Inggris kepada sejumlah buruh migran asal Indonesia yang bekerja di Negeri Singa.
Yoga tergerak membuat komunitas itu karena buruh migran di Singapura dilarang berserikat. “Mereka tak punya saluran formal untuk menyampaikan aspirasi.” Sementara itu, di sana aturan dianggap merugikan posisi buruh migran. Yoga dan kawan-kawannya mendorong para TKI untuk bersuara melalui karya-karya prosa. “Hasil tulisan mereka dikumpulkan dan diterbitkan dalam buku antologi pada 2019,” ia menambahkan.
Setelah lulus dari UI pada 2018, Yoga aktif melakukan penelitian terkait dengan buruh migran. Yoga pulalah yang menjadi salah satu kontributor dan penyunting dalam laporan HRWG tentang anak-anak para buruh migran di Asia Tenggara.
Posisinya sebagai anak buruh migran tak hanya memudahkannya dalam kerja penelitian. Dia juga mengalami sejumlah pengalaman mengharukan. Ketika bertemu dengan anak-anak yang ditinggalkan orang tuanya, suasana kerap menjadi emosional. “Biasanya mereka malu-malu untuk cerita. Tapi, begitu saya cerita pengalaman saya ditinggal ibu sejak kecil, barulah mereka terbuka, bahkan sampai menangis.”
Persoalan yang dialami anak-anak buruh migran tak hanya berasal dari lingkungan domestik, seperti kurang perhatian. Ada pula kasus anak buruh migran hasil pernikahan dengan warga negara lain kesulitan mengurus hak dasar, seperti dokumen kependudukan. Hal ini pernah dialami Mohamad Deddy Noviyanto Ali Alatas. Pria yang tinggal di Malang ini merupakan anak pekerja migran yang menikah dengan warga Arab Saudi.
Tiga puluh tahun lalu, Deddy dilahirkan ketika ibunya pulang ke kampung halamannya di Tulungagung, Jawa Timur, setelah bekerja di Arab Saudi. Waktu itu, ayah Deddy tak ikut ke Indonesia. Pada usia 2 tahun, Deddy ditinggalkan ibunya yang kembali ke Arab Saudi. Namun, dua tahun kemudian, sang ibu meninggal dan dikebumikan di sana. “Jadi, saya enggak ketemu ibu lagi,” ujar Deddy. Ia pun diasuh nenek dan kakeknya hingga dewasa.
Persoalan muncul ketika Deddy kuliah. Suatu ketika, pada 2015, ia terpilih mengikuti program pertukaran pelajar ke Singapura. Namun, saat hendak membikin paspor, pihak Imigrasi menganggap Deddy bukan WNI. “Mereka bilang karena bapak saya warga negara Arab Saudi.” Padahal, ketika itu, Deddy sudah memiliki kartu tanda penduduk. Ia pun kelimpungan dan mencoba membuat paspor di kantor Imigrasi di daerah lain. “Tapi hasilnya sama saja. Saya dilempar ke sana kemari tanpa kejelasan. Bahkan saya diancam dideportasi karena menurut mereka saya bukan warga negara Indonesia.”
Perjuangan Deddy mendapatkan paspor baru membuahkan hasil dua tahun kemudian. Dia dibantu lembaga bantuan hukum asal Bandung. Ia pun diarahkan untuk mendatangi kantor Kementerian Hukum dan HAM di Jakarta. “Di sana saya menceritakan persoalan saya kepada para pejabat.” Namun rupanya Deddy pun tak bisa langsung mendapatkan paspor. Setahun kemudian, barulah dia bisa membuat dokumen itu setelah Kemenkumham menerbitkan surat yang menyatakan bahwa Deddy seorang WNI. “Padahal saya lahir dan besar di Indonesia.”
Namun masalah tak selesai di situ. Setelah mendapatkan paspor pun Deddy masih mendapatkan pengalaman tidak menyenangkan. Pada 2018, Deddy berkunjung ke Malaysia untuk menemui kerabatnya. Ketika pulang dan baru mendarat di bandara, Deddy ditahan oleh petugas. “Saya diinterogasi sampai dua jam karena mereka curiga saya bukan WNI.”
Penampilan Deddy memang seperti orang Arab kebanyakan, berkulit putih dan berhidung mancung. “Saya sampai disangka orang asing yang mau menyusup,” ujarnya. Ketika itu, Deddy sampai harus berbicara dalam bahasa Jawa untuk meyakinkan para petugas. “Barulah setelah itu saya dilepas.”
Aning lived away from her son, Bagus, for 15 years during her time in Brunei, where she worked as a household assistant. Since she left in 2003, Aning was only able to return home to Cilacap, Central Java, once every two years. Despite her rare return, she felt lucky because she managed to smoothly communicate with Bagus, who was cared for by his grandparents. “Alhamdulillah, my boss in Brunei was very considerate,” Aning told Tempo on Wednesday.
“At first, it was very tough to part with my son, who was only 16 months old,” she said, reminiscing about her time working in the foreign land. But Aning continued to assure herself that she made the choice to leave for the sake of her son and family’s future. To monitor her son, Aning communicated with her family through letters. “[The letters] would take a long time to arrive, up to one month.” Aning’s employer, who became aware of her situation, gave her a phone card so that she could call home. “Communication became more routine. In the end my employer gave me a cell phone.”
Two years ago, she “retired” as a migrant worker and moved to Kramat Jati, East Jakarta, with her family. Bagus, who had graduated from a vocational high school in Cilacap, followed her to Jakarta. “He wanted to work here,” said the 45-year-old woman. Aning was proud of her son because her hope that Bagus would at least complete high school was fulfilled. “After all, I worked far away for him, so that he could finish school.” Anis offered Bagus to continue his studies at university, but her son wanted to have some work experience first.
Aning admits that she was more fortunate than many of her peers. Numerous migrant workers can’t return to Indonesia on a regular basis, and even find it difficult to communicate with their families due to poor treatment from their employers. But communication between parents working overseas and their children in the country is an important factor in child development, as demonstrated in the study “Stay Behind Children in Myanmar, the Philippines, and Indonesia” released by the Human Rights Working Group (HRWG) in mid-2020.
In the report, the researchers concluded that the absence of parents who work overseas as migrant workers impacts the education of the children they leave behind. It’s true that some children feel that their parents’ long absence has had no impact. Many of them even manage to become stellar students. But, in their cases, writes the HRWG report, the parents continue to be “present” to monitor their children through telephone calls, text messaging, and even video calls. The communication is supported by families in their hometowns, who ensure that the money sent by the parents is used for the children’s education.
On the other hand, many children fall “victim” to their parents’ absence. Usually, these children find it difficult to focus on their studies. Several children are reported to have difficulty concentrating at school because they are constantly thinking about their parents. Their parents’ lack of “presence” due to the minimal communication also erodes the children’s motivation as no one is there to remind them to stay in school and study. Furthermore, some children are forced to drop out because they find it difficult to perform daily tasks on their own.
Silvi Dwi Anasari’s story also demonstrates the great role community support has on the education of migrant workers’ children. The 25-year-old woman from Jember, East Java, was among University of Indonesia’s (UI) science and mathematics department’s top students. While still in university, Silvi, who entered UI in 2013, received a number of scholarships, such as Bidik Misi and a scholarship from UI’s biology alumni.
Silvi’s mother left her to work in Hong Kong when she was only 4 years old. In her hometown in Jember, she lived with her grandparents. Silvi’s mother rarely returned to the country. “About once every four years,” Silvi told Tempo on Thursday. But her mother called frequently and kept an eye on Silvi’s education. “My mother always motivated me to go to university.”
Another motivation was the fact that no one in Silvi’s family had gone to university. Many girls in her hometown would marry at a young age. “Before, when I was still in school, I was really afraid of having to marry young. This is why I was motivated to go to university,” she said.
Silvi’s hometown is home to many migrant workers. Her region has not changed much since she was a child, said Silvi. “Numerous migrant workers’ children drop out of school and marry young.” She believes that this phenomenon is due to the convenience provided by their parents’ large incomes from working overseas. Silvi says her family was, in fact, not lacking.
Now Silvi works as a researcher at the Indonesia International Animal Rescue Foundation (IAR Indonesia). At IAR, Silvi is involved in efforts to protect endangered animals. She travels frequently to Indonesia’s regions to provide outreach to communities. “I’ve had a fondness for animals since I was young because I would often play in the woods in the village,” she explained.
Yoga Prasetyo is another example of migrant workers’ children who have achieved great things. The English literature graduate from the University of Indonesia received several scholarships and went on student exchanges to various countries during his time in university. Now, Yoga pays special attention to migrant worker issues. “I gained awareness of migrant worker issues while in semester 4.”
It was in semester 4 of his university studies that he learned about postcolonialism, gender inequality, and various injustices. He employed these perceptions to consider the experience of his closest person: his mother, who went to work in Singapore in 1997 as a migrant worker. “I became more interested in these issues from then on,” he said.
In 2016, Yoga received an opportunity to go on a student exchange at the National University of Singapore. In Singapore, he formed a community called the Voice of Singapore’s Invisible Hands to tell the story of migrant workers in English. In the community, Yoga taught Indonesian migrant workers in Singapore English and how to write.
Yoga was moved to create the community because migrant workers in Singapore were not allowed to unionize. “They don’t have a formal channel to express their aspirations.” This regulation is seen as putting migrant workers at a disadvantage. Yoga and his friends encourage Indonesian migrant workers to speak up through prose. “Their writings were anthologized and published in a book in 2019,” he said.
After graduating from UI in 2018, Yoga actively performed research on migrant workers and became one of the contributors and editors to HRWG’s report on Southeast Asian children of migrant workers.
His experience as the son of a migrant worker did not necessarily make his research process easy. When he met children who were left behind by their parents, often things would get emotional. “They would first be too shy to talk. But once I spoke about my own experience being left by my mother at a young age, they would open up and even cry.”
Lack of attention is not the only problem faced by the children of migrant workers. Children from marriage with foreign citizens often have trouble accessing their basic rights, such as citizenship documents. Mohamad Deddy Noviyanto Ali Alatas, who lives in Malang, is one example. His mother married a Saudi citizen.
Deddy was born thirty years ago, when his mother returned to his hometown in Tulungagung, East Java, after working in Saudi Arabia. At the time, Deddy’s father did not come with her. When Deddy was two years old, his mother returned to Saudi Arabia. Two years later, she died and was buried there. “I never met my mother again,” said Deddy. He was looked after by his grandparents until he reached adulthood.
The trouble began when Deddy was in university. One day, in 2015, he was selected to participate in a student exchange program in Singapore. But when he wanted to obtain a passport, the immigration office did not consider him an Indonesian citizen, even when he already had an Indonesian ID card (KTP). “They said because my father was a Saudi citizen.” He tried to obtain a passport at an immigration office in another region. “But the result was the same. I was told to go here and there without being given clarity. I was even threatened to be deported because they felt I was not an Indonesian citizen.”
Deddy’s fight to obtain a passport only progressed two years later, with the assistance of a legal aid organization from Bandung. He was told to visit the law and human rights ministry in Jakarta. “There, I explained my problem to government officials.” But Deddy was not immediately granted a passport. He was only able to make one the following year, after the law and human rights ministry issued a statement letter supporting Deddy’s Indonesia citizenship. “Even though I was born and raised in Indonesia.”
His troubles did not end there. After obtaining a passport, Deddy continued to have unpleasant experiences. In 2018, Deddy visited his family in Malaysia. Upon his return and arrival in Indonesia, Deddy was detained by officers. “I was interrogated for two hours because they suspected that I wasn’t an Indonesian citizen.”
Deddy indeed looks Middle Eastern with his light skin and pointed nose. “[They] suspected that I was a foreign citizen trying to infiltrate,” he said. Deddy had to speak in Javanese to convince the immigration officers. “It was only then that I was released.”
Mamik Padmiati, 57 tahun, sibuk mengulek bumbu rujak pesanan warga sekitar di Kantor Desa Dukuh Dempok, Wuluhan, Jember, siang itu. Rekannya, Indah, melayani pembeli yang memesan teh manis. Kantor desa ramai sejak pagi. Halamannya penuh dengan sepeda motor yang diparkir sembarangan. Aula desa tak sepi dari acara rapat.
Keramaian itu menjadi berkah bagi Mamik dan Indah yang menjajakan penganan di gerai dekat pintu kantor desa tersebut. Sejak pagi hari, pesanan makanan dan minuman datang silih berganti. Dagangan mereka laris manis. "Pada hari-hari biasa, kami datang pada pukul tujuh pagi dan pulang sekitar pukul dua atau tiga sore. Saat ada acara, kami bisa sampai malam hari ada di sini," kata Mamik, pertengahan November lalu.
Di ruang seluas 32 meter persegi itu, Mamik tak hanya menjual makanan dan minuman. Tampak beberapa unit mesin jahit berbagai merek berjajar di sudut ruangan. Rupanya, Mamik juga menerima pesanan menjahit baju. "Selain memperoleh pemasukan dari menjual makanan dan minuman, kami mendapat penghasilan dari menjual masker ataupun jasa layanan menjahit."
Usaha berjualan makanan dan menjahit itu dilakoni Mamik selama dua tahun terakhir. Sebelumnya, ibu tiga anak ini menjadi buruh migran di Malaysia sejak 1999. Selama 16 tahun bekerja di negeri jiran, ia hanya empat kali pulang kampung.
Pada 2015, Mamik memutuskan pulang. Tapi ia bingung harus bekerja apa. "Karena belum punya usaha, saya bekerja di sawah sebagai buruh matun. Buruh petik lombok, tomat, atau apa pun untuk menambah pamasukan sehari-hari," tutur Mamik.
Setelah lewat setengah tahun menjadi buruh sawah, Mamik bercerita, ada pendataan dari Migrant Care untuk program Desa Peduli Buruh Migran (Desbumi). Sebab, desa itu merupakan salah satu kantong migran. Seorang temannya, Marfuah, lantas memasukkan data diri Mamik ke organisasi itu. Tak lama kemudian, ia menerima undangan untuk datang ke balai desa. "Di sana ada sosialisasi dari Migrant Care. Kami diajari juga soal organisasi. Saya kemudian menjadi anggota Desbumi," katanya.
Selanjutnya, Mamik melanjutkan, ia bersama bekas pekerja migran lain mendapat pelatihan-pelatihan untuk membuka usaha. Mereka diajari membuat kue, seperti opak gulung, lalu keripik tempe dan minuman sari jahe. Pada 2019, outlet Desbumi Desa Dukuh resmi berdiri.
Mereka bak menemukan hujan emas di negeri sendiri. Harapan baru itu mereka sambut dengan sukacita. Mamik pun mengaku tak lagi berniat kembali menjadi buruh migran. "Kerja di rumah membuat saya tidak ingin menjadi buruh migran lagi," ujar dia.
Meski begitu, Mamik mengatakan ia dan rekannya masih kesulitan memasarkan barang produksi. Ia berharap pelatihan demi pelatihan perlu terus dilakukan untuk meningkatkan keterampilan dan kapasitas. "Pernah ada pelatihan, tapi cuma tiga hari. Ilmu yang didapatkan tidak bisa maksimal. Waktu tiga hari itu sebenarnya tidak cukup."
Selain Desa Dukuh, ada tiga desa lain yang ditetapkan sebagai Desbumi, yakni Desa Sabrang, Desa Ambulu, dan Desa Wonoasri. Setelah program itu berjalan, Kementerian Ketenagakerjaan mereplikasi program itu dengan membuat Desa Migran Produktif (Desmigratif). Dari empat Desbumi di Jember, Desa Dukuh dan Desa Sabrang juga merapel sebagai Desmigratif.
Ketua Desbumi Dukuh Dempok, Jumiatun, mengatakan Desa Dukuh menjadi proyek percontohan integrasi kedua program tersebut. "Program Desmigratif ini baru berjalan sejak 2019 dan rencananya berlangsung dua tahun," kata perempuan yang juga menjabat petugas Desmigratif Dukuh Dempok itu.
Jumiatun menjelaskan, ada empat pekerjaan dalam program Desbumi, yakni pendataan dan informasi, peningkatan kapasitas, pengaduan kasus, dan perekonomian. Sedangkan Desmigratif memiliki program layanan migrasi aman, community parenting, usaha produktif, serta koperasi. "Jadi, program Desbumi Dukuh Dempok ini dikuatkan oleh program Desmigratif."
Ketua Desbumi Dukuh Dempok, Jumiatun, mengatakan Desa Dukuh menjadi proyek percontohan integrasi kedua program tersebut. "Program Desmigratif ini baru berjalan sejak 2019 dan rencananya berlangsung dua tahun," kata perempuan yang juga menjabat petugas Desmigratif Dukuh Dempok itu.
Jumiatun menjelaskan, ada empat pekerjaan dalam program Desbumi, yakni pendataan dan informasi, peningkatan kapasitas, pengaduan kasus, dan perekonomian. Sedangkan Desmigratif memiliki program layanan migrasi aman, community parenting, usaha produktif, serta koperasi. "Jadi, program Desbumi Dukuh Dempok ini dikuatkan oleh program Desmigratif."
Cuma, tidak semua program berjalan dengan baik. Salah satunya community parenting, layanan pengasuhan anak yang ditinggalkan orang tuanya bekerja di luar negeri. Mereka belum punya keterampilan, sehingga kesulitan menerapkan layanan ini. "Termasuk bimbingan teknis. Bahkan terkadang membutuhkan psikolog untuk mempelajari bagaimana menghadapi anak-anak atau suami yang ditinggalkan, sehingga ada solusi ketika ada satu permasalahan," ujarnya.
Namun bukan berarti tidak ada kegiatan. Anggota berinisiatif membuat forum anak dengan melibatkan pengurus berusia muda dan dibantu mahasiswa kuliah kerja nyata. Cuma, masalah lain, tak semua keluarga mau mengantar si anak pekerja migran untuk mengikuti kegiatan di forum itu.
Anggota Divisi Data dan Informasi Migrant Care, Zulyani Evy, mengatakan ada 37 desa yang ditetapkan sebagai Desbumi di seluruh Indonesia. Komunitas-komunitas di Desbumi cukup kuat karena dibangun dengan melibatkan partisipasi para purna-migran. Selain itu, komunitas ini disokong kepala desa. “Jadi, meski sudah tanpa dukungan Migrant Care, tetap ada mandat dari desa agar mengalokasikan dana desa untuk memberikan layanan dan fasilitas.”
Mamik Padmiati, 57 years old, was busy grinding spices for rujak (traditional fruit dish) ordered by locals living around the Dukuh Dempok Village office in Wuluhan, Jember, that early afternoon. Her colleague, Indah, served sweet tea to customers. The village office had been packed since morning, its yard full of motorcycles parked in whichever way. Meetings are always taking place in the village hall.
Mamik and Indah, who sell their food at a stall near the village office’s entrance, have been blessed by the office’s hustle and bustle. Since morning, orders for food and drinks had come non-stop. “On normal days, we would come at 7am and leave at around 2 or 3pm. During events, we would stay until nighttime,” said Mamik in mid-November.
In the 32-square-meter space, Mamik does not only sell food and drinks. There are also sewing machines in the corner. Apparently, Mamik is also a seamstress. “Besides earning from food and drinks, we also earn money from selling masks and sewing.”
Mamik has been selling food and sewing for two years. Prior, the mother of three had been working in Malaysia as a migrant worker since 1999. During her 16-year stay in the foreign country, she only returned home four times.
In 2015, Mamik decided to return for good. But she had no idea what to do. “Because I didn’t yet have a business, I worked on a rice field as a labor. Or picking chili peppers, tomatoes, or whatever to add to my daily earnings,” said Mamik.
Six months after she became a farm labor, Mamik said Migrant Care was collecting data for the Desbumi (village concern for migrant workers) program. The village is indeed home to numerous migrant workers. Her friend, Marfuah, then gave the organization Mamik’s information. Not long after, she received an invitation to come to the village hall. “There was an outreach from Migrant Care. We were taught organization skills. I then became a Desbumi member,” said the woman.
After, Mamik said, she and other former migrant workers received entrepreneurship training. They were taught how to make snacks, such as opak gulung (a type of wafer), tempeh crackers, as well as ginger tea. In 2019, the Dukuh Village Desbumi outlet officially opened.
It was as if the women had found a gold mine in their own country. They welcome the new hope with joy. Mamik says she no longer wishes to work as a migrant worker. “Working in my hometown makes me not want to work as a migrant worker anymore,” she said.
Even so, Mamik says she and her colleagues still have trouble marketing their products. She hopes that the training will continue to build their capacity and improve their skills. “There was training once, but only for three days. The knowledge we received was not enough. Three days wasn’t really adequate.”
Besides Dukuh Village, three other villages were named Desbumi villages, namely Sabrang, Ambulu, and Wonoasri. Once the program was running, the manpower ministry replicated the program by creating the Desmigratif (productive migrant village) program. Out of the four Desbumi villages in Jember, Dukuh and Sabrang also became Desmigratif villages.
Desbumi Dukuh Dempok chairperson, Jumiatun, says Dukuh Village became a pilot project for the two program’s integration. “The Desmigratif program only started running in 2019, and the plan is for two years,” said the woman, who is also a Desmigratif Dukuh Dempok officer.
Jumiatun explained that the Desbumi program entails four tasks: collecting data and information, building capacity, reporting cases, and improving the economy. Meanwhile, Desmigratif has safe migration, community parenting, and productive entrepreneurship services, as well as a cooperative. “So, the Desbumi Dukuh Dempok program is strengthened by Desmigratif.”
But not all of their programs have been running smoothly. Community parenting, for example, meant to care for children left behind by parents who work overseas. They do not yet have the skills, making it difficult for the members to run the service. “Including technical guidance. Sometimes we need a psychologist to learn how to handle children or husbands who are left behind, so that there’s a solution when a problem comes up,” she said.
Yet the program’s activities still continue. Members took the initiative to create a children’s forum involving younger officers and assisted by university students performing community service work. But not all family members are willing to accompany migrant workers’ children to participate in the forum’s activities.
According to Migrant Care data and information division member, Zulyani Evy, 37 villages in Indonesia have been named Desbumi villages. Desbumi communities are already somewhat strong as they were built by involving retired migrant workers. Furthermore, village chiefs are supporting the communities. “So, even without Migrant Care’s support, there’s already a mandate from villages to allocate village funds for services and facilities.”
Ada banyak persoalan bergumul di pusaran pekerja migran. Salah satu hal yang jarang diangkat dan kerap luput dari perhatian adalah nasib anak-anak yang ditinggalkan (left-behind children). Mereka memang cenderung aman secara ekonomi sehari-hari. Tapi, tak jarang, anak-anak itu mengalami kesepian, merasa kurang perhatian, bahkan hidupnya berantakan.
Penelitian Human Right Working Group (HWRG) menemukan sejumlah masalah yang dialami anak-anak setelah ditinggalkan orang tuanya. Salah satunya DA, 18 tahun. Ia drop out dari sekolah karena kesulitan mengikuti pelajaran di sekolah. Tidak adanya orang di rumah yang bisa membantu membuatnya menjadi makin malas belajar. Anak lain, DB, 17 tahun, meski tak sampai drop out, mengaku sulit berkonsentrasi dalam belajar karena rindu kepada ibunya.
Di luar masalah sekolah, anak-anak seusia DA dan DB biasanya memiliki persoalan secara psikologis dan sosial dalam pergaulan. Mereka cenderung enggan terbuka ihwal pekerjaan orang tuanya karena malu. Apalagi banyak stigma negatif yang menganggap TKI sama dengan pembantu. Tak jarang pula mereka menjadi korban perisakan. “Inti masalahnya sebetulnya soal perkembangan anak,” ujar Deputi Direktur HWRG, Daniel Awigra.
Menurut Daniel, anak dalam usia tumbuh kembang seharusnya mendapat perhatian penuh dari orang tuanya. “Gara-gara krisis perhatian itu, ada kasus mereka beralih jadi kriminal atau bergaul dengan lingkungan negatif untuk cari perhatian.”
Selain HWRG, peneliti dari Universitas Gadjah Mada pernah memotret berbagai permasalahan anak-anak left-behind. Presentasi penelitian bertajuk “Dampak Migrasi Internasional terhadap Keluarga dan Anak yang Ditinggalkan: Studi Kasus Indonesia” itu menunjukkan bahwa anak-anak yang tumbuh di rumah tangga pekerja migran juga mendapat masalah kesehatan, seperti stunting dan overweight, meski jumlahnya tak signifikan.
Sejauh ini belum ada program spesifik untuk mengatasi masalah ini. Program pendampingan untuk anak-anak masih menempel dengan program bersifat umum, seperti program Desa Peduli Buruh Migran (Desbumi) dari Migrant Care dan Desa Migran Produktif (Desmigratif) milik Kementerian Tenaga Kerja. Program Desbumi lebih menyasar fasilitas informasi, pendataan, bantuan pengurusan dokumen, dan pengaduan kasus. Meski ada pula program pemberdayaan mulai dari desa, tapi masih berfokus pada isu ekonomi.
“Dibutuhkan seluruh desa untuk membesarkan seorang anak.” Pepatah Afrika ini menjelaskan keyakinan bahwa setiap penduduk kampung memiliki tanggung jawab untuk membangun lingkungan yang sehat dan aman bagi tumbuh kembang anak. Namun, bagi anak-anak pekerja migran, pepatah ini berlaku dengan cara yang memilukan.
Anak-anak pekerja migran tumbuh dan berkembang di desanya bersama saudara, handai-taulan, dan tetangganya, tapi tanpa orang tua: salah satu atau bahkan keduanya. Karena alasan ekonomi, orang tua mereka harus bekerja di luar negeri dan meninggalkan mereka di negara asal.
Para anak yang ditinggal orang tua pekerja migran, atau “stay-behind children”, ini ada di hampir semua negara asal pekerja migran. Menurut hasil riset Human Rights Working Group yang terbit tahun ini dalam bentuk buku berjudul Stay-behind Children in Myanmar, the Philippines and Indonesia (HRWG, 2020), anak-anak tersebut merupakan salah satu kelompok paling rentan dalam fenomena pekerja migran. Karena bertumbuh kembang tanpa orang tua, mereka mengalami krisis kasih sayang dan terjerumus ke banyak masalah sosial.
Kebanyakan mereka dibesarkan oleh kakek dan neneknya yang sudah lansia, yang sesungguhnya merupakan kelompok rentan lainnya. Dari sana, muncul sejumlah persoalan sosial dengan berbagai stigma dan diskriminasi dari masyarakat.
Dalam aspek tumbuh kembang, banyak di antara mereka yang mengalami tekanan mental, kehilangan kepercayaan diri, penurunan prestasi akademik, serta persoalan gizi dan kesehatan. Ada yang terlibat kasus kekerasan, termasuk kekerasan seksual, baik sebagai korban maupun pelaku.
Nasib anak-anak ini kerap luput dalam diskursus mengenai pekerja migran. Padahal apa yang mereka alami merupakan salah satu biaya sosial akibat migrasi. International Organization for Migration secara umum mendefinisikan biaya sosial migrasi sebagai efek yang tidak diharapkan, baik secara sengaja maupun tidak, dari migrasi orang tua, di dalam dan ke luar negeri, yang ditanggung oleh individu ataupun masyarakat (IOM, 2017, hlm. viii-ix).
Umumnya, diskursus migrasi masih didominasi oleh pendekatan ekonomi pembangunan. Pemerintah menyebut pekerja migran sebagai pahlawan devisa. Maklum, pekerja migran Indonesia, menurut data Bank Dunia pada 2017, secara persentase berkontribusi terhadap pendapatan domestik bruto sebesar US$ 8,9 miliar. Tapi puja-puji tersebut tak diikuti oleh komitmen perlindungan buat mereka, apalagi terhadap anggota keluarganya. Sampai saat ini, masih banyak kasus pelanggaran hak, eksploitasi, dan kekerasan terhadap para pekerja migran.
Paradigma yang hanya berfokus pada remitansi dan pertumbuhan ekonomi, tapi mengabaikan beban sosial yang harus dipikul oleh anak pekerja migran saat masa tumbuh kembangnya, harus segera ditinggalkan. Tanpa perubahan paradigma, anak pekerja migran akan terus menanggung biaya sosial dari migrasi. Padahal Pasal 19 Konvensi Hak Anak menegaskan, “Tiap anak berhak mendapat pengasuhan yang layak, dilindungi dari kekerasan, penganiayaan, dan pengabaian.”
Kisah kematian Galang, anak pekerja migran berusia 9 tahun asal Bekasi, merupakan salah satu contoh tragis. Ia terus murung setelah mendengar kabar mengenai ibunya, Nuraeni, pekerja sektor domestik di Malaysia. Nuraeni lari dari majikannya dan mengungsi di sebuah shelter milik Konjen RI di Penang. Cemas akan keadaan ibunya, Galang kehilangan selera makan, sehingga mengalami sembelit akut yang berujung pada kematiannya (HRWG, 2020, hlm. 94-95). Kondisinya barangkali akan lain jika Galang mendapat perhatian dan bantuan psikologis yang memadai.
Mengacu pada studi yang dilakukan HRWG, isu utama dari persoalan “stay-behind children” ini adalah lemahnya data serta fokus kebijakan pemerintah pusat dan daerah pada anak-anak pekerja migran. Dibandingkan dengan Filipina dan Myanmar, inisiatif Desa Migran Produktif (Desmigratif) dari pemerintah Indonesia sebenarnya sudah cukup baik dan bisa menjadi contoh kebijakan yang memperhatikan problem anak pekerja migran. Salah satu pilar dari program ini adalah pola asuh komunitas atau community parenting. Namun perlu didalami lebih lanjut sejauh mana Desmigratif mendukung tumbuh kembang anak pekerja migran.
Adapun yang menjadi persoalan di negara tujuan migrasi adalah kebijakan yang hanya memberikan perhatian kepada pekerja migran di negara mereka. Semestinya, sebagai pihak yang diuntungkan oleh migrasi, mereka turut memperhatikan hak anak pekerja migran. Misalnya, mereka dapat ikut menanggung biaya sosial akibat migrasi, sehingga tidak sepenuhnya menjadi beban anggota keluarga yang sudah lansia, desa, dan pemerintah lokal. Perhatian negara asal dan negara tujuan migrasi akan meringankan beban di pundak anak-anak pekerja migran.
Dengan demikian, bagi anak-anak pekerja migran yang ditinggal orang tuanya, perhatian dari setiap penduduk desa saja, sebagaimana pepatah Afrika di atas, tidaklah cukup. Agar dapat bertumbuh kembang dengan baik, “stay-behind children” memerlukan dukungan dari setiap pihak yang mendapat keuntungan dari proses migrasi, baik negara asal, negara tujuan, maupun komunitas internasional.
Adapun dalam program Desmigratif, yang telah dijalankan di 12 provinsi, 107 kabupaten, 314 kecamatan, dan 402 desa, memang ada kegiatan pengasuhan secara bersama (community parenting), tapi ditemukan sejumlah kendala di lapangan, dari kurangnya tenaga berkompeten hingga kesadaran keluarga anak itu yang rendah. Padahal program ini penting. “Agar anak-anak yang ditinggal orang tuanya bekerja ke luar negeri tidak kehilangan perhatian keluarga,” kata Menteri Tenaga Kerja Ida Fauziah.
Jadi, kata Daniel lagi, program-program itu belum cukup untuk mengatasi persoalan anak-anak left-behind. Meski begitu, ia mengapresiasi kegiatan-kegiatan tersebut. “Tapi juga perlu di-assessment, misalnya soal kurikulum di program community parenting. Perlu diperhatikan,” ujar Daniel.
Hal senada dikatakan Komisi Perlindungan Anak Indonesia (KPAI), yakni berbagai upaya yang dilakukan pemerintah ataupun lembaga-lembaga lain untuk mengatasi persoalan anak-anak yang ditinggal orang tuanya itu belum cukup. Menurut Komisioner KPAI Bidang Pengasuhan, Rita Pranawati, berbagai program itu masih berefek jangka pendek.
Padahal, menurut dia, masalah pengasuhan bisa memberi efek jangka panjang secara psikologis. “Jadi, perlu andil pemda dan pemerintah pusat untuk mengatasi persoalan anak-anak ini,” kata Rita.
Pada 2015, KPAI juga pernah meminta pemerintah menghentikan pengiriman pekerja migran perempuan yang punya anak usia balita untuk mengurangi dampak yang ditimbulkan. Apalagi, KPAI mencatat, 80 persen pekerja migran yang dikirim ke luar negeri adalah wanita berusia produktif. Selain itu, masih banyak tenaga kerja wanita pergi tanpa jaminan memadai, sehingga anak-anak yang ditinggalkan telantar. ***
Problems seem to abound for migrant workers. Among issues that are not often discussed and paid little attention to is the fate of left-behind children. Every day, these children tend to feel economically vulnerable. But furthermore, they feel lonely and lack attention. Sometimes, their lives fall apart.
A Human Right Working Group (HWRG) study points out the variety of problems experienced by these left-behind children, among others, DA, 18 years old. He dropped out of school after having trouble focusing on studies. His loss of motivation was exacerbated by the absence of people at home to help him with daily tasks. Another child, DB, 17 years old, claims she has difficulty concentrating because she misses her mother.
Outside of problems at school, many children around DA and DB’s age have both psychological and social issues. They tend to feel too embarrassed to speak openly about their parents’ work, apparently due to the negative stigma against Indonesian migrant workers, whom people see “merely” as household help. More than a handful of these children are bullied. “The core problem lies with child development,” said HWRG deputy director, Daniel Awigra.
According to Daniel, a child in developmental age should be receiving the parents’ full attention. “Because of this attention crisis, some become criminals or socialize in negative environments to seek attention.”
Besides HWRG, researchers from the Gadjah Mada University have documented the problems faced by left-behind children through photographs. A presentation of the study, titled “The Impact of International Migration on Left-Behind Families and Children: Indonesian Case Studies,” also shows that children who grow up in migrant worker households are prone to health problems, such as stunting and overweight, although the numbers are insignificant.
So far, there is not yet a specific program to address this issue. Care programs for these children are still part of more general programs, such as Desbumi (village concern for migrant workers) from Migrant Care and the manpower ministry’s Desmigratif (productive migrant village). Desbumi is more aimed at information, data collection, document processing, and case reporting. Although there are some village-initiated empowerment programs, they are still focused on economic issues.
“It takes a village to raise a child.” This African saying describes the conviction that every member of a village community has the responsibility to create a safe and healthy environment for a child to grow up in. Yet, for children of migrant workers, this belief is manifested in a heartbreaking way.
The children of migrant workers grow up in the village with their siblings, family- and clan members, and their neighbors, but not their parents: either without one, or them both. For economic reasons, their parents seek work elsewhere and leave them in the country of origin.
These children of migrant working parents, known as the “stay-behind children”, can be found in almost all the countries of origin of migrant workers. According to a study by the Human Rights Working Group published this year in a publication titled Stay-behind Children in Myanmar, the Philippines and Indonesia (HRWG, 2020), these children are one of the most vulnerable groups in the migrant worker phenomenon. Because they grow up without parents, they suffer a lack of love and care and often become mired in social problems.
Most of these children are raised by their already elderly grandparents, who themselves are a vulnerable group. From there emerges many social problems and all manner of societal stigmatization and discrimination.
Growing up, many of these children suffer mental pressure, lack of self-confidence, declining academic achievement, and nutrition and health problems. Some become entangled in problems of violence, including sexual violence, either as victim or as perpetrator.
The fate of these children often falls between the cracks in the discourse surrounding migrant work. Yet what they experience should be considered one of the social costs resulting from migration. The International Organization for Migration in general defines the social costs of migration as the unwanted side effects, intended or otherwise, of migrant parents in-country or offshore, that end up being borne either by individuals or society as a whole (IOM, 2017, p. viii-ix).
In general, the discourse regarding migration is still one dominated by a developmental economic approach. The government dubs migrant workers the heroes of foreign exchange currency. This is to be understood, considering Indonesian migrant workers, according to World Bank data from 2017, contribute to the gross domestic product around US$ 8.9 billion. Yet this heaping of praise is not followed up by a commitment to provide the workers protection, let alone their family members. To top it all, to date violations continue to occur to the detriment of migrant workers, including violation of rights, exploitation, and violence towards them.
A paradigm that focuses exclusively on remittance and economic growth, but ignores the social costs borne by still-growing children of migrant workers, needs to be abandoned. Without a paradigm shift, the offspring of migrant workers will continue to bear the brunt of the social cost of migration. Chapter 19 in the Children’s Rights Covenant states, “Every child has the right to an appropriate upbringing, protected from violence, torture, and neglect.”
The story of the death of Galang, a 9-year old son of migrant workers from Bekasi, is a tragic example. Galang became depressed upon hearing the news about his mother, Nuraeni, a domestic worker in Malaysia. Nuraeni had run away from her employers and sought refuge in a shelter owned by the RI Consul General in Penang. Worried about his mother, Galang lost his appetite, resulting in acute constipation that cost him his life (HRWG, 2020, p. 94-95). Things may well have turned out differently if Galang had received proper attention and the appropriate psychological assistance.
Referring to the HRWG study, the main issue concerning stay-behind children is the dearth of data and lack of focus in central and regional government policies towards the children of migrant workers. Compared to the Philippines and Myanmar, the Productive Migrant Village (Desmigratif) initiative by the Indonesian government is a good one and can be touted as an example of a policy that focuses on problems related to offspring of migrant workers. One of the pillars of this program is community parenting. But further study is still needed towards how Desmigratif supports child-rearing of migrant worker offspring.
The problem lies with the migration destination country policy that only pays attention to migrant workers in said country. It would be more appropriate, as the party benefitting from the migration, that they also pay attention to the rights of the migrant workers’ offspring. Say, the destination country could also shoulder some of the social costs resulting from migration, so the burden need not only be borne by ageing relatives, villagers, and the local government. Attention from the original country and country of destination will lighten the burden of these children of migrant workers.
As things lie, for these stay-behind children, the care and attention of each village member, as quoted by the African proverb, is not enough. To grow up functionally, stay-behind children need the support of all parties benefitting from the migration process, those in the country of origin, the destination country, and the international community.
Meanwhile, the Desmigratif program, which is already running in 12 provinces, 107 regencies, 314 subdistricts, and 402 villages, does include community parenting activities. But there are challenges to these activities, from the lack of competent staff to low awareness on the side of the children’s families, despite the program’s importance. “So that children left behind by their parents aren’t deprived of attention from their family,” said Manpower Minister Ida Fauziah.
Daniel explained that these programs are not yet adequate for addressing the issue of left-behind children. Even so, he appreciates the initiative. “But also needs assessment, for example, of the community parenting program’s curriculum. Needs attention,” said Daniel.
The Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI) is of the same mind and believes that the various efforts performed by the government and other institutions to address children left behind by their parents are still wanting. According to KPAI child care commissioner, Rita Pranawati, these programs have short-term effects. Meanwhile, she said, the problem of child nurture can cause long-term psychological effects. “So we need regional governments and the central government to play a role to overcome these children’s problems,” said Rita.
In 2015, KPAI also asked the government to stop sending women migrant workers with children who are still toddlers, to alleviate the impacts. Especially because 80 percent of migrant workers are productive-age women, noted KPAI. To make matters worse, plenty of women workers leave without sufficient protection, causing their children to be neglected.
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